Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

Research output: Contribution to journalReview article

2 Citations (Scopus)

Abstract

Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based onOptimality Theory (Prince&Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.

Original languageEnglish
Pages (from-to)432-443
Number of pages12
JournalOpen Linguistics
Volume1
Issue number1
DOIs
Publication statusPublished - 2015 Jan 1

Fingerprint

Emptiness

Keywords

  • Japanese
  • Phonology
  • R

ASJC Scopus subject areas

  • Language and Linguistics
  • Linguistics and Language

Cite this

Japanese /r/ is not feature-less : A rejoinder to Labrune (2014). / Kawahara, Shigeto.

In: Open Linguistics, Vol. 1, No. 1, 01.01.2015, p. 432-443.

Research output: Contribution to journalReview article

@article{eb554a681af1433aab3cb34e66fbfa4d,
title = "Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)",
abstract = "Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based onOptimality Theory (Prince&Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.",
keywords = "Japanese, Phonology, R",
author = "Shigeto Kawahara",
year = "2015",
month = "1",
day = "1",
doi = "10.1515/opli-2015-0011",
language = "English",
volume = "1",
pages = "432--443",
journal = "Open Linguistics",
issn = "2300-9969",
publisher = "Walter de Gruyter GmbH",
number = "1",

}

TY - JOUR

T1 - Japanese /r/ is not feature-less

T2 - A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

AU - Kawahara, Shigeto

PY - 2015/1/1

Y1 - 2015/1/1

N2 - Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based onOptimality Theory (Prince&Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.

AB - Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based onOptimality Theory (Prince&Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.

KW - Japanese

KW - Phonology

KW - R

UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=84996432234&partnerID=8YFLogxK

UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/citedby.url?scp=84996432234&partnerID=8YFLogxK

U2 - 10.1515/opli-2015-0011

DO - 10.1515/opli-2015-0011

M3 - Review article

AN - SCOPUS:84996432234

VL - 1

SP - 432

EP - 443

JO - Open Linguistics

JF - Open Linguistics

SN - 2300-9969

IS - 1

ER -